Teaching controversial issues during a presidential election: Exploring how teachers navigated polarized politics in 2020

American politics today is the culmination of historical, political, social, geographic, and economic events that have significantly impacted this country. Over the last year, America and the world have been tested to political, social, and economic extremes not seen in over a century because of the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. Both the 2020 Presidential election and the storming of the Capitol on January 6th, 2021 are just two of the events that challenged teachers and educators across all levels of schooling to change and adapt teaching practices. It has forced citizens to have difficult conversations about democracy, equality, health, and safety. Educators tasked with teaching government and civics are required to teach political parties and the functions of government. However, in this current socially distant and polarized political climate, doing so was tremendously difficult. For some high school students and teachers, teaching secondary government is only a nine-week crash course into the functions of the government and rights outlined to students. Nine weeks to teach the functions of government, Constitution, rights of citizens, powers of the president, courts, and how federalism and states interact. Furthermore, only a small minority of students who take government courses do so during a presidential election cycle. This reality underscores the importance of understanding how teachers help students navigate such an important function of government. In this polarized political climate post-2016, it is of interest to study how teachers have prepared to teach the election and document their experience navigating campaign issues. This study hopes to shed light on the educational strategies and expectations of secondary government and civics teachers teaching controversial political topics surrounding the 2020 election. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

Voting technology, democracy, and propaganda: Ontological considerations for the 2020 presidential election

The 2020 United States Presidential election was considered one of the most tumultuous political contests in the 21st century. During an international pandemic, travel restrictions and social distancing requirements created uncertainty about whether to vote in person or via absentee-mail-in ballot. The present study sought to investigate how voters experience different technologies in the 2020 United States Presidential election. Selected concepts in media ecology supplemented Fox and Alldred's (2013) framework for new materialist inquiry to explore the technical material characteristics of voting technology and the discursive elements of voter fraud propaganda. By tracing the history of voting technologies and voter fraud propaganda, the analysis argued that the vast array of technologies and experiences of voting in the 2020 election rendered the idea of an archetypal or monolithic voting method insufficient. Therefore, the present study suggests an ontological revision for the ways we conceptualize the relationship between voters, voting technologies, and democracy writ large. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

Introduction

This American Behavioral Scientist (ABS) issue provides readers insights into better understanding such political dynamics of elections and campaigns in the United States and Europe. Forthcoming issues will further explore this historic U.S. 2020 election cycle, as well as research highlighting campaigns and elections worldwide, case studies of crisis mis/management, changing modes of strategies and tactics within the political social media context, health as a campaign issue within the Covid 19 epidemic, among other provocative topics. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

In place / out of place: Punjabi-Sikhs in Reno, Nevada

Plenty of research has focused on major immigrant destination metropolitan areas (Singer, Hardwick, & Brettell, 2008);however, little work has focused on small to mid-sized urban areas and re-emerging immigrant gateways (Singer, 2015). The greater Reno metropolitan area in Nevada, which in the early 21st-century is one of the fastest-growing states in the nation, has re-emerged as an immigrant destination, yet it has been largely overlooked in scholarship. With this work, I fill the gap in the literature by exploring the lived experiences of an understudied, BIPOC transnational group (Punjabi-Sikhs) in a small to mid-sized and previously overlooked re-emerging immigrant gateway (the greater Reno area). This study investigated the socio-spatialities of Punjabi-Sikhs and their experiences with geographies of inclusion/exclusion during the early twenty-twenties, a period broadly characterized by the COVID-19 pandemic, a contentious political election, Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests, and a surge in neo-nationalism and anti-Asian sentiment. I argue that the national and international public issues that became ever more apparent in the early twenty-twenties uniquely affected BIPOC and migratory groups in re-emerging immigrant gateways and small to mid-sized urban areas and resulted in new and unexpected socio-spatialities and geographies of inclusion and exclusion. Specifically, this work focuses on how Punjabi-Sikhs experience and navigate these new and complex geographies in the greater Reno area of Northern Nevada. To better understand these complex geographies, this research focused on three topics: (1) how the lived experiences and socio-spatialities of Punjabi- Sikhs have been impacted and navigated, (2) the implications of losing transnational gathering spaces during the pandemic, and (3) how the Punjabi-Sikh body has been Othered in everyday spaces during this tumultuous period. The qualitative phenomenological analysis presented in this dissertation relied on participant observation, semistructured interviews, and focus groups with fifteen Punjabi-Sikh men and women who resided in the greater Reno area. Fieldwork was conducted during the 2020-2021 global pandemic, the 2020 presidential election, and the final year of Donald J. Trump's presidency, a presidency widely described as embracing a neonationalistic agenda. When considering the current ever-changing social and political atmosphere, some general trends are evident: a consistent rise in anti-Muslim, anti-minority, and anti-immigrant discourse;increased xenophobic political rhetoric that translates into socio-spatial exclusion;and a lack of worldly knowledge among members of the general public that results in increased negative stereotyping and discrimination against Punjabi-Sikhs and other BIPOC and migratory communities. However, the findings of this research also show that Punjabi-Sikhs are incredibly resilient and have developed sophisticated strategies for navigating adverse social and political landscapes. Thus, this research highlights the strength acquired through resiliency by these communities into creative and effective solutions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

Examining the correlates of electoral violence in the U.S. using a mixed methods approach: The case of the January 6th, 2021, capitol insurrection

Political conflict is not a new phenomenon. Most political conflict is theoretical and nonviolent;however, when political violence does occur, the consequences can be detrimental to democracies. Recently, in the U.S., political violence in the form of extremism is predominantly rooted in far-right ideologies, such as racially and ethnically motivated violent extremism (REMVE) and anti-government anti-authority violent extremism (AGAAVE). In the last few years, the frequency and intensity of violence perpetrated by groups and individuals who hold these extreme ideologies have increased. The threat of one of the most consequential types of political violence, electoral violence, became real on January 6th, 2021. On the morning of January 6th, then-President Trump held the so-called "Save America" rally, near the U.S. Capitol, and circulated the false notion that the 2020 election was fraudulent. When it was over, and out of approximately 30,000 individuals who attended the rally and exercised their constitutional rights, a group of approximately 1,000 individuals headed to the U.S. Capitol. There, the group of insurrectionists stormed the building, aiming to stop the certification of the 2020 Presidential election. A year and a half later, hundreds of individuals have been charged with violent and nonviolent crimes for their participation in the attack. Of the individuals who chose to storm the U.S. Capitol, why did some commit electoral violence while others did not? The current study aims to better understand the correlates of electoral violence in the January 6th Capitol attack. Using a sample of n = 818 violent and nonviolent insurrectionists charged for their participation in the insurrection, several theoretically relevant correlates (i.e., psychological factors, structural factors, racial animosity, religious affiliation, conspiracy theories, extremist ideologies and ties to extremist groups, the role of the Internet and social media, criminal record, grievances about the COVID-19 pandemic measures, and political rhetoric) were examined using a mixed methods approach. The quantitative results suggested that criminal record and Internet use were significant predictors of engaging in electoral violence. The qualitative results (n = 20) corroborated those findings and highlighted the importance of racial animosity, extreme political ideologies, political rhetoric, and conspiracy theories. The implications of the current project include summarizing the possible correlates of electoral violence in the U.S., informing counter-extremism strategies and policies, and offering an avenue for future research on far-right violent extremism in the country. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

In place / out of place: Punjabi-Sikhs in Reno, Nevada

Plenty of research has focused on major immigrant destination metropolitan areas (Singer, Hardwick, & Brettell, 2008);however, little work has focused on small to mid-sized urban areas and re-emerging immigrant gateways (Singer, 2015). The greater Reno metropolitan area in Nevada, which in the early 21st-century is one of the fastest-growing states in the nation, has re-emerged as an immigrant destination, yet it has been largely overlooked in scholarship. With this work, I fill the gap in the literature by exploring the lived experiences of an understudied, BIPOC transnational group (Punjabi-Sikhs) in a small to mid-sized and previously overlooked re-emerging immigrant gateway (the greater Reno area). This study investigated the socio-spatialities of Punjabi-Sikhs and their experiences with geographies of inclusion/exclusion during the early twenty-twenties, a period broadly characterized by the COVID-19 pandemic, a contentious political election, Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests, and a surge in neo-nationalism and anti-Asian sentiment. I argue that the national and international public issues that became ever more apparent in the early twenty-twenties uniquely affected BIPOC and migratory groups in re-emerging immigrant gateways and small to mid-sized urban areas and resulted in new and unexpected socio-spatialities and geographies of inclusion and exclusion. Specifically, this work focuses on how Punjabi-Sikhs experience and navigate these new and complex geographies in the greater Reno area of Northern Nevada. To better understand these complex geographies, this research focused on three topics: (1) how the lived experiences and socio-spatialities of Punjabi- Sikhs have been impacted and navigated, (2) the implications of losing transnational gathering spaces during the pandemic, and (3) how the Punjabi-Sikh body has been Othered in everyday spaces during this tumultuous period. The qualitative phenomenological analysis presented in this dissertation relied on participant observation, semistructured interviews, and focus groups with fifteen Punjabi-Sikh men and women who resided in the greater Reno area. Fieldwork was conducted during the 2020-2021 global pandemic, the 2020 presidential election, and the final year of Donald J. Trump's presidency, a presidency widely described as embracing a neonationalistic agenda. When considering the current ever-changing social and political atmosphere, some general trends are evident: a consistent rise in anti-Muslim, anti-minority, and anti-immigrant discourse;increased xenophobic political rhetoric that translates into socio-spatial exclusion;and a lack of worldly knowledge among members of the general public that results in increased negative stereotyping and discrimination against Punjabi-Sikhs and other BIPOC and migratory communities. However, the findings of this research also show that Punjabi-Sikhs are incredibly resilient and have developed sophisticated strategies for navigating adverse social and political landscapes. Thus, this research highlights the strength acquired through resiliency by these communities into creative and effective solutions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

Examining the lived experience of politically engaged college students participating in nonpartisan political activity during the 2020 U.S. election

Over the course of the past three decades, scholars and practitioners lamented low levels of political engagement among college students (National Task Force on Civic Learning and Democratic Engagement, 2012;Thomas et al., 2019). The civic engagement movement formed to address concerns about student preparedness for engaging in American democracy, but higher education's response largely upheld involvement in apolitical community service (Colby, 2008;Finley, 2011;Saltmarsh & Hatley, 2011). In recent years, a small number of political scientists began incorporating nonpartisan political engagement activities into course curriculum, measuring civic outcomes, the effectiveness of campus interventions, and other quantitatively driven scholarship (Bardwell, 2011;Beaumont et al., 2006;Mann et al., 2018). Third party nonprofit organizations, also concerned about the lack of college student political engagement, mobilized to encourage nonpartisan political engagement among college students (Jacoby, 2006). Fulfilling a role not formally supported on many campuses, peer educators involved in cocurricular nonpartisan political engagement offer a possible antidote to low participation among college students.The following qualitative study advanced scholarly insight into the lived experience of college students involved in nonpartisan political activity, such as registering students to vote, hosting debate watch parties, organizing local candidate forums, and participating in an assortment of activities intended to increase the political engagement of peers. In addition to illuminating the lived experience of nonpartisan political engagement, this study also sought to understand how these experiences influenced future aspiration for civic engagement more broadly. Set within the context of a particularly polarized era of American politics reflected at colleges and universities still responding to the COVID-19 global pandemic, the study employed a theoretical framework comprised of emerging adulthood theory (Arnett, 2018) and the campus political climate framework (Thomas & Brower, 2018). The 15 student participants participated in semi-structured interviews in the fall of 2020 and then contributed to one of four focus groups following the election.In consultation with participants, the following themes were co-constructed to share the lived experience of nonpartisan political engagement during the 2020 election season: navigating uncertainty and disruption, committing to nonpartisanship, turning to digital and online engagement, persuading peers to participate, resisting threats to democracy, and seeking institutionalization of political engagement. Students provided compelling perspectives and stories, offering in-depth insight into their roles and the power of nonpartisan political engagement. As for students' future civic engagement, participants described factors driving their aspiration to remain involved, capacities they developed, and emerging career outlooks related to civic engagement. Practical implications were discussed, including recommendations for how the field of higher education can support nonpartisan political engagement as a functional responsibility within the cocurricular experience in higher education. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved)